ይኵኖ አምላክ/Yekuno Amlak - The Founder Of The Solomonic Dynasty
In the late 13th century AD, Emperor Yekuno Amlak overthrew the Zagwe Dynasty, establishing the Solomonic Dynasty, which would rule for around 700 years.
As always, the article is available on the website as-well: HabeshaHistory.com
The Fall Of The Zagwe’s
Yitbarek - The Final Zagwe Emperor
After the death of Lalibela, Nekauto-Le'ab held the throne for a brief amount of time, however, Yitbarek eventually mustered an army, overthrew him, and reclaimed the throne. This power struggle between Ne'akuto Le'ab and Yitbarek likely intensified internal discord, significantly weakening central authority and fostering the rise of factions opposed to Zagwe's rule.
Yitbarek, the last emperor of the Zagwe dynasty1, is believed to have been the son of Emperor Lalibela, the most renowned ruler of the Zagwe era. Historical accounts suggest that Yitbarek played a significant role in the governance of the empire during the later years of his father's reign, likely serving as a governor. However, there are conflicting narratives about his early life. A disputed manuscript, the Gedle Yitbarek (Life of Yitbarek), claims that Lalibela and his queen, Mesqal Kebra, forced Yitbarek to live in poverty in the Tigray region2. The authenticity of this manuscript remains disputed.
Also, oral tradition in the Seraye region of modern-day Eritrea holds that Yitbarek's descendants, the Adkeme-Melga tribe, started migrating into the area during his lifetime. According to this tradition, Yitbarek was the grandfather of the tribe's first ancestor3.
Why did Nekuato-Le’ab and Yitbarek have a conflict? One possible reason is that Nekuato-Le’ab, though only Emperor Lalibela's nephew and not the direct heir to the throne, was a skilled general during Lalibela's reign4. His appointment as governor of Lasta5 further strengthened his position in the royal court, facilitating his transition to power. On the other hand, Yitbarek, Lalibela's son and the rightful heir, lacked such established authority, which may have delayed his ascension to the throne, thus animosity grew until the eventual confrontation between these two figures.
The Rise Of The Amhara’s
During this period of instability in the late Zagwe Era, a strong anti-Zagwe sentiment in the Amhara region started to ferment and grow6. This opposition to the Zagwe dynasty can be traced back to several political and economic factors. For instance, the Amhara people, who lived in the southern regions of the Zagwe Empire, gained increase prominence during the 12th and 13th centuries. It is believed that Lalibela himself may have relied on the support of the Amharas to overthrow Harbay, a previous Zagwe ruler.
Additionally, the Amhara region emerged as an important economic hub due to its connections with the eastern port of Zeila. Zeila was a key centre of foreign trade, especially with southern Arabia. The Amhara people inhabited areas closer to Zeila compared to those who lived further north in the Zagwe heartland, thus placing them in a geographically more advantageous position, for trade7 . This growing self-sufficiency and importance of the amharas within the Zagwe kingdom, combined with the probable privileges granted to them after Lalibela's rebellion, provided the Amhara nobility with greater leverage and influence in the Zagwe realm.
The southeastern region of Ethiopia, near Zeila, gained increasing prominence following the decline of the Aksumite Empire and throughout the Zagwe dynasty. Arab merchants frequently traded in the area, and some eventually settled there, gradually converting the local populace to Islam. This marked the foundation of the first known Islamic kingdom in the region—the Sultanate of Shoa—around the late 9th to 10th century AD, ruled by the Makhzumi dynasty8.
Lastly, evidence suggests there were migrations from Yemen into southern Ethiopia during the 11th-13th century AD, bringing wealth, knowledge, and skills9. It is noteworthy that Yemen was briefly ruled by the Najahid dynasty in the late 11th and 12th centuries AD, whose last ruler was reportedly of Amhara ethnicity10. This connection makes it highly likely that trade flourished between Yemen and southern Ethiopia via Zeila and other ports. These goods were then transported through Amhara traders who carried them further north into the highlands, thereby increasing the importance of this region's role, in contrast, the influence of northern trade, such as through the Dhalak Islands diminished through the 12th & 13th century AD11.
Historian Taddesse Tamrat recounts one such mention of a wealthy Jewish Family that migrated from Aden to the land of the Amhara, during the Zagwe era12…. "In the period of the Zagwe kings, there came out a man, a Jew called Yosef from the country of Aden ... He was a very rich and respectable man,, and settled at Elawz in the land of Amhara”.
Yekuno Amlak's Rise to Power
Yekuno Amlak Roughly Translates To “May God Be His Protector”
Yekuno Amlak, a 13th-century figure from the Shewan region of Amhara, played a pivotal role in the overthrowing of the Zagwe dynasty and the “restoration” of the Solomonic dynasty. Tradition holds that Yekuno Amlak's father was a descendant of Dil Na'od, the last emperor of the Aksumite Empire, which gave Yekuno Amlak a legitimate claim to the throne. Although the details of his life and rise to power are sparse and often shrouded in legend, two main accounts provide insight into his journey—the "Gedle Iyasus Mo'a" (Life of Iyasus Mo'a) and "Be'ela Nagastat” (Festival Of The Kings). I will first summarize the account of Yekuno Amlak in both texts and then give my educated guess on the events that occurred.
Yekuno Amlak, though unlikely to be a direct descendant of Dil Na'od, was still of noble lineage and connected to significant noble and priestly figures like Iyasus Mo'a. This connection makes it plausible that he shared some sort of lineage with the Aksumite royalty, however extremely far-removed.
Gedle Iyasus Mo'a
Iyasus Mo’a roughly translates to Father Jesus Victorious
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In the "Gedle Iyasus Mo'a," Yekuno Amlak's father, Tesfa Yesus, became a fugitive after being persecuted by the Zagwe emperor. He sought refuge in the monastery of Lake Hayk , where the abbot, Iyasus Mo'a, prophesied that Tesfa Yesus' son would one day become emperor.
Iyasus Mo’a, a 13th-century saint, was born in Begmender and later established a hermitage as a monk at Hayk Estifanos Monastery, situated on an island in Lake Hayq13. He would later become abba of all the monks at this monastery, thus becoming the Dean of Hayk - a high monastic position during the Zagwe Era14.
Tesfa Yesus then started working as a servant for a military general named Kela. During this time, he fathered Yekuno Amlak with a maidservant. According to legend, a disciple of Iyasus Mo'a named Silwanos received a divine vision that whoever ate the head of a particular rooster would become emperor. The next morning, the rooster was caught and given to the maid to prepare. While cooking, she discarded the head, as it was not typically eaten. A young Yekuno Amlak, driven by curiosity, found the rooster's head and ate it. This act was interpreted as the fulfilment of the prophecy, marking him as destined to be emperor.
Yekuno Amlak was born near the modern city of Dessie, in a town called Segerat15.
Rumours of his destiny, however, reached the Zagwe emperor, who ordered his exile to the mountain of Melot. While imprisoned there, Yekuno Amlak managed to escape, using the tails of monkeys to descend the mountain. He sought refuge at Lake Hayk and started his religious education under Iyasus Mo'a. Later on, he would sign a pact with Iyasus Mo’a and the church, in return for assistance in overthrowing the emperor. Yekuno Amlak returned to his master's house. He proceeded to win a battle at Tach Gaynt (south Gondar) against the forces of Emperor Yitbarek, finally killing Yitbarek in a nearby church and becoming Emperor16.
The Tale of Gadla Iyasus Mo'a is as follows:
"The inhabitants (monks) of the island in Lake Ḥayq sent word to the Zāguē king who reigned in place of Lālibalā, asking him to appoint Iyasus Mo’a as abbot, for they loved him. The king agreed and appointed him. After his appointment Iyasus Mo’a begot by divine grace many vicars (neburana ed) throughout the land. ... Tasfā Iyasus son of Akāla Wedem, son of ... Delna‘ād, son of ... Germā Asfarē, begot Yekuno Amlāk on a servant of a liqā ḥarā (army commander) named Kelā at Makuannanā in Sagarāt. A cock at his house crowed, 'He who eats my head shall be king'. Yekuno Amlāk at that time was working for a rich man (bā‘el), and he ate the cock’s head after the cook had thrown it away. He was then sent to a mountain called Malot, but escaped and fled to Iyasus Mo’a in Lake Ḥayq, who after a time told Yekuno Amlāk that God would give him the throne of his father through the prayers of Iyasus Mo’a. Yekuno Amlāk gave him the right to sit while the king’s orders were read, and made him ‘āqābē sa‘āt (guardian of the hours) and ba‘āla ‘āṣad (master of the palace), and also granted him the privilege that none but monks should enter into his island. in Lake Ḥayq. Yekuno Amlāk then sought his enemy Zāguē in Ansatā of Gāynt, and killed him in the church of Qirqos where he had taken refuge. Yekuno Amlāk recovered the kingdom from the Zāguē after 373 years, in the year of (the creation of) the world 6762 (= A.D. 1268). " - THE WEALTH OF KINGS' AND THE END OF THE ZAGUE DYNASTY 5, pg 4 & 5
The "Gedle Tekle Haymanot " closely resembles the set of events in "Gedle Iyasus Mo'a," though there are notable differences. In this version, the priest who assisted Yekuno Amlak is Tekle Haymanot instead of Iyasus Mo'a. Unlike the Mo’as account, where the prophecy was understood immediately, in this version no one initially understood the significance of the rooster until Tekel Haymanot explained it to Emperor Yitbarek. Another key difference is the absence of warfare; instead, the throne was peacefully handed over to Yekuno Amlak and a promise was given to Tekele Haymanot that he would grant 1/3 of the land in Absynnia17.
Be'ela Nagastat
The "Be'ela Nagastat/Negest" also recounts Yekuno Amlak's rise to power but with some notable variations. In this version, a figure named Za'elmaknun (identified as Yitbarek) is mentioned. Only the king initially understood the rooster's message and subsequently summoned Tekle Haimanot to interpret it. Additionally, God informed Tekle Haimanot that Yekuno Amlak was destined to become emperor. Tekle Haimanot then anointed Yekuno Amlak, who went on to wage war against Yitbarek to claim the throne.
The story is as follows:
"There was a king Za’elmaknun, that is, Yetbārak, son of Lālibalā, one of the Zagūē kings. God was angry with the House of David and gave the kingdom to the Zagūē kings. While Za’elmaknun was reigning, a cock was heard to crow at his house, ‘He who eats my head shall be king’. The cock crowed thus for three months. None understood this but the king, who was filled with fear. Then came Takla Hāymānot, who was asked to explain the saying. He told the king to have the cock killed and to eat its head. The king told his servant Dalilāwit to cook the cock. She did so, but threw away the head. At that time there was a lad named Yekuno Amlāk who looked after the king’s mules. He found the head, and ate it. This gave him supernatural splendour. Takla Hāymānot being consulted by the king, prayed to God, who sent to him an angel saying, ‘Pray not for this Zagūē; his kingdom is finished, for it is not his, and to-day I restore to Yekuno Amlāk and his descendants for ever the kingdom of his father David. Anoint Yekuno Amlāk, and he shall give you part of his kingdom’. Takla Hāymānot then anointed him, and he went to war with Za’elmaknun and killed him; and he became king through the prayers of Takla Hāymānot. " - THE WEALTH OF KINGS' AND THE END OF THE ZAGUE DYNASTY pg 4 & 5
Scholars believe that the "Be'ela Nagastat" and other accounts mentioning Tekle Haymanot's direct involvement, rather than Iyasus Mo'a, are likely more recent additions to the story18 and may be exaggerated or fabricated. However, it is still possible that both figures played roles in Yekuno Amlak's rise to power, as they were both important religious figures in their own right during this time.
Yekuno Amlak’s Rebellion
Some sources state that Yekuno Amlaks father was the governor of Ambassel - a province in southern Wollo19.
Based on available sources, Yekuno Amlak likely descended from royal lineage through his father. However, his family's noble status seems to have been compromised—possibly due to his father's perceived disloyalty, leading to his exile & loss of position. This situation resulted in Yekuno Amlak being born into a life of servitude. This background might explain why both Gadla Iyasus and Be’ela Nagastat describe him as working for a "rich man."
Some traditional accounts state that Yekuno Amlak was related to Saint Takla Haymanot & Saint Iyasus Mo'a through his mother’s side, in addition to other notable priests of the time.
Despite his humble beginnings, Yekuno Amlak soon benefited from his mother's connections to influential monastic figures, such as Abba Iyasus Mo’a. Through these ties, he was educated at the monastery near Lake Hayk under Iyasus Mo’a's guidance. However, years later during a visit from Saint Takla Haymanot, the saint might have convinced Yekuno Amlak to move from Lake Hayk and return with him southwards, to Shewa and its encompassing lands, where he preached alongside the priest, and met influential nobility, thus gaining the trust of the people and the allegiance of local powers.
It’s noteworthy that his father was once a governor before becoming a servant to an army general. This background might have influenced Yekuno Amlak's aspirations, including a possible focus on military pursuits. Additionally, the internal conflicts and weakening of the Zagwe dynasty, as previously discussed, may have created the conditions that enabled the viability for his rise of power & persuaded Yekuno and other nobility/monastic figures to start planning for an overthrow of the Zagwes.
According to tradition, the line of descent from the Aksumite emperors to Yekuno Amlak is as follows20:
Emperor Dil Naod
Maeharbere Widam
Agba Tsion
Sinfa Arad
Nigus Zare
Asfeha
Yacob
Bahr Seged
Widm Seged
Emperor Yekuno Amlak
Later, Yekuno Amlak was likely involved in rebellious activities before his eventual usurpation. Some historians speculate that he participated in the succession dispute between Yitbarek and Ne’akuto Le’ab21. Traditions claim that he was imprisoned at Mount Malot, possibly because he supported the losing side (Ne’akuto Le’ab) during the rebellion or because of his insurgent rhetoric. His imprisonment by Yitbarek not only deepened animosity between the two but also suggested that Yekuno Amlak was becoming a significant threat.
After his escape & during his time as a rebel, Yekuno Amlak likely garnered support from discontented nobility and clergy, utilizing his noble lineage from his father and monastic support through his mother’s familial connections (especially Tekle Haymanot & Iyasus Mo'a, as well as gathering support from local militias across Shewa, Amhara, and nearby regions. These groups were likely motivated by widespread dissatisfaction with the weakening central authority of the Zagwe Dynasty and ongoing incursions by the Muslim Sultanate of Shoa & pagan kingdoms to the south, like Damot.
This diverse composition of Yekuno Amlak’s forces is further corroborated by remnants of a manuscript written by Tasfa-Siyon of Dabra Libanos (in Shewa). This manuscript was found & translated by Conti-Rossini, it describes a portion of the army assembled by Yekuno Amlak22:
“[Yekunno-Amlak's] troops, the seven Gwedam called Wägda-Maläzay, Dinbi-Däbäray, Mugär-Endäzabi, Wäj-Ennägari, Wârâb-Ennâkafé, Silalish-Ennägafi and Mwal-Awïaïay ... It was their chief, Malézay who made a pact with this king . . . fought and vanquished his enemy...” - Ethnic Interaction and Integration In Ethiopian History: The Case of the Gafat, pg 125
The Seven Gwedam all refer to people or places in Gafat23, suggesting that Yekuno Amlak had successfully raised a significant army from across the southern provinces of Ethiopia, including foreign powers/peoples such as the Gafat & even possibly the Muslim Sultanate Of Shoa24. Combined with the support of the clergy and nobility, this gave him unprecedented power, effectively making this southern region independent of the Zagwe Dynasty before his direct confrontation with Yitbarek25.
Thus in 1270AD26, with his forces firmly established, Yekuno Amlak organised and rallied his troops northwards into present-day Wollo and further north to the village of Tach Gaynt, where his army encountered Yitbarek’s forces. Yekuno Amlak decisively defeated Yitbarek, who was subsequently killed while attempting to escape and seek refuge in a church.
According to local tradition, the battle occurred just outside Daga Qirqos in Gaynt. Today, visitors to the site are shown two tombs: one attributed to Yitbarek and the other to Christodoulos, the Metropolitan of Abyssinia who was killed during the battle27.
Yekuno Amlak's Reign
Consolidation of Power
Yekuno Amlak was then crowned by Iyasus Mo'a/Tekle Haimanot & given the regnal name of Tesfa Iyasus (Hope Of Jesus). First, he addressed the issue of the Zagwes, The Zagwe Dynasty did not vanish immediately after Yekuno Amlak's victory over Yitbarek; instead, it was a gradual disintegration. A land grant found in Debre-Libanos, Eritrea, reveals that the Zagwe crowned Dilanada as their new emperor, who was supported by a council of six military leaders. This document dates to 1268, and by 1270 a new emperor named Yikiwinat had been appointed, along with a new set of six military leaders28. This suggests some form of insurgency was ongoing in the north, but it faced suppression, with rapid changes in leadership following. It was likely during this period that the majority of the Adkeme-Melga migrated across the Mereb River from parts of Lasta/Begmender to escape persecution.
According to tradition, following the fall of the Zagwe Dynasty in 1270, a migration of a subgroup of the Agaw people, known as the Tawqe, occurred. They moved northward, crossing the Mereb River and settling in Halhal, located northwest of Keren in present-day Eritrea. This area was originally inhabited by the Kunama and Beja peoples but was later conquered and settled by the Tawqe29.
Part of Yekuno Amlak's consolidation of power involved negotiations with the remnants of the Zagwe forces. Significant concessions were granted, including exemptions from taxation and privileges for the Wag Shum (the ruler of the Wag district, akin to the Wag Hemra Zone in modern-day Ethiopia). These privileges included not being required to bow before the emperor30, receiving a silver nagarit (kettle drum) to play upon entering the imperial palace, the right to sit on a silver chair beside the emperor, and the honour of washing their hands in the emperor's golden basin during royal banquets31.
In the north, a new power was rising around the province of Enderta, led by a king named Engida-Egzi, who began consolidating authority in parts of Tigray. By the time of his son Tesfane-Egzi, the province of Enderta functioned as a semi-renegade state, with the succession disputes among Yekuno Amlak’s sons further bolstering its autonomy. As historian Taddesse Tamrat noted, a land grant issued by Tesfane-Egzi during this period referred to Enderta as “my kingdom,” highlighting his assertion of sovereignty32.
Yekuno Amlak’s Foreign Relations
Information about Yekuno Amlak’s reign is limited, his capital was Tegulet33 (Semien Shewa), and this was where he spent the rainy seasons, however, he travelled throughout Abyssinia, passing and consolidating power. However, foreign relations were also incredibly important.
One of his most notable actions in foreign relations was his attempt to secure a new metropolitan from Egypt. At the time, Egypt was under the rule of the Mamluk Sultan Rukn ad-Din Baybars.
The metropolitan was the highest ecclesiastical leader of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church during ancient and medieval times. Throughout the Aksumite, Zagwe, and Solomonic eras, this position was traditionally held by a Coptic Orthodox priest appointed from Egypt.
During critical periods, such as the fall of the Aksumite Empire, the absence of a metropolitan was seen as an ominous sign by the Abyssinian people. To address this, Yekuno Amlak sent a letter around 1274–1275 AD to the Sultan of Egypt requesting the appointment of a new metropolitan following the death of the previous officeholder, Abba Qerilos34. This letter was reportedly delivered through envoys who first travelled to the Imam of Yemen.
Technically only a metropolitan could ordain priests, consecrate churches & crown an emperor. In reality, this rule was bypassed in extraordinary circumstances.
Historians like Taddesse Tamrat note that the Mamluk response was cold and delayed. Eventually, a Syrian metropolitan was sent, but his clerical credentials were questionable, leading to tensions and challenges within the Ethiopian Church.
The contents of Yekuno Amlak’s letter is as follows:
"The Sultan of Abyssinia addressed me regarding a matter he wished to discuss with you; therefore, I thought it necessary to send along his letter with mine. The letter from the King of Abyssinia stated thus: 'The humblest of slaves, بائس الملك Mahar-amlak (may the Lord prolong his reign), kisses the ground before the sultan and informs him of the following: that a monk had been sent by the governor of Kos, concerning the monk who came earlier. But we have not yet been able to receive a metropolitan. Our correspondence is meant for our Father, the Patriarch, asking him to choose a metropolitan for us, a virtuous and learned man who does not love gold or silver, and to have him brought to the city of عوصان (Aswan).
The humblest of slaves will address this to Melik-Modaffar, ruler of Yemen; the items I promised will be delivered, and this prince will ensure their arrival at the sultan's court. The only reason for the delay of my ambassadors was that I was in the campaign بگا (Beja). May God grant David's spirit to his son, so that he may ascend the throne. We have in our army one hundred thousand Muslim knights ready and countless Christians, all of whom are your slaves and subjects. Our metropolitan will pray for you. All our subjects will say: 'Amen; may God prolong the life of our sultan, ruler of Egypt, and crush the enemies of this prince.' And all the people will repeat: 'Amen.' If Muslims come into our country, the humblest of slaves will protect them and dismiss them in a manner that satisfies you. The envoy whom we sent to the governor of Kos was an arrogant man and, moreover, sick. Thus, our country is unhealthy; a sick person could not enter, and anyone who breathes the air, whether ill or healthy, will die. The monk said, 'I have no travel companions. In our country, Muslims who enter are protected. Please ensure that a metropolitan is sent who will look after your subjects.' This is all I have to say
Regarding his power!), we have received this letter and understood its content. Regarding the request for a metropolitan, we have received no ambassador from the king to explain his intentions; instead, a dispatch from our lord, Sultan Melik-Modaffar, informed us that a letter and a messenger from the king had arrived at the court of Yemen, to await our response. Regarding what the king said about the size of his armies, which include one hundred thousand Muslim knights, we know everything that happens in every country; nothing escapes us, and God does not fail to multiply the Muslim troops. Regarding the unhealthiness of the country, we say that the term of a man's life is set by God himself; no one dies before their time arrives, and anyone who reaches their appointed time must infallibly perish. How many men wounded by the sword regain health, while others, perfectly healthy, die unexpectedly? Everything is subject to God's will. " - Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks, de l'Egypte Volume 1 Part 1
In a letter to the Sultan, Yekuno Amlak mentions that he is battling the Beja. If we take this statement at face value—assuming it is neither an exaggeration nor an attempt to curry favour with the Mamluks, who may have been dealing with Beja raids in the southern part of their own territory—it highlights the extent of Yekuno Amlak's consolidation of power in Abyssinia as early as 1274-1275. The Beja inhabited the eastern coastline of present-day Sudan, extending into parts of northern Eritrea, such as Sahel and Semhar. This suggests that Yekuno Amlak's control/sphere of influence could have reached at the minimum reached as far north as Hamasien. A land grant from Yakunno Amlak found in Dabra Libanos Church near senafe in Eritrea, also might indicate Yakunno controlled as far north as claimed here35.
Another possible reason for the cold response from the sultan might be Yekuno Amlak’s possible interference with the sultanate of Shewa (Arabic manuscripts in Harar state Yekuno Amlak installed a new king in the sultanate)36.
Also right before Yekuno Amlak’s death, he assisted in Sultan Wali Asma/Umar Walasma conquering the Sultanate of Shewa, thereby starting the Walashma Dynasty and the Ifat Sultanate37.
The Historian Wallis Budge, mentioned that Yekuno Amlak corresponded with Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos of the Byzantine Empire38, sending him giraffes as gifts, however, I could find no further evidence this actually happened..
Yekuno Amlak’s Monastic Legacy
Besides the military achievements, Yekuno Amlak was a fervent supporter and adherent of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, aside from granting one-third of all land to the Church for taxation purposes39 (the exact percentage/ratio isn’t known but the taxation rate increased significantly, greatly empowering the monastic class during the Solomonic era)—was his dedication to church construction throughout Abyssinia. One such structure is the Genete Mariam Church, likely inspired by the Bete Medhane Alem Church.
Yekuno Amlak gave the monastic role of Ichege (2nd highest monastic figure after the Metropolitan) to the Abbot of Debre Libanos In Shewa - Tekle Haymanot, in addition to giving the role of Aqqqabe Sa'at/“Keeper Of The Hours” (third highest monastic figure) to the Abbot of Lake Hayk Estifanos Monastery, Iyasus Mo'a.
The church is adorned with artworks and inscriptions, including one right above Yekuno Amlaks painting that proclaims:
"In giving thanks to God, it is I who has [this church] built, [I,] Yǝkunno Amlak, whom God made king by his [good] will. My father, Nǝḥyo Bäkrǝstos, was an agent for me to have this church built in the name of Mäṭṭaʿ. May God have mercy upon me in the Kingdom of Heaven with my fathers Mäḥari Amlak and Nǝḥyo [Bäkrǝstos].” - Royal Imagery and Devotional Spaces in Early Solomonic Ethiopia The Case of Gännätä Maryam, pg 121.
Metta might reference to Saint Mata also known as Saint Libanos (one of the nine saints)40.
Yekuno Amlak died in 1285AD, probably of natural causes as no mention of ill intent is spoken of. He would father two sons prior to his death, one named Yagb’a Syion & the other named Wedem Arad. His son Yagb'a-Siyon would succeed him41.
Figure 1: St. Mercurius, Wall Painting, ca. 1268–85 CE, Gännätä Maryam
Figure 2: Virgin Mary and Child, Wall Painting, ca. 1268–85 CE, Waša Mikaʾel (nearby church).
Figure 3: Jesus Christ and two figures, ca. 1268–85 CE, Gännätä Maryam
Figure 4: Kwǝleṣewon, Tǝḫrǝyännä Maryam and a third figure, Wall Painting, ca. 1268–85 CE, Gännätä Maryam
Tǝḫrǝyännä Maryam was likely a wife of Yekuno Amlak42.
Great video that covers Yekuno Amlak:
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 283
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 120
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 120
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 282
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 281
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 121
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 124
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 3, pg 104
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 3, pg 104
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 264
The Sultanates of Medieval Ethiopia, pg 67
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 124
https://en.sewasew.com/p/iya-sus-mo-a-(%E1%8A%A2%E1%8B%A8%E1%88%B1%E1%88%B5-%E1%88%9E%E1%8A%A3)
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 283
'The Wealth of Kings' and the End of the Zāguē Dynasty’, pg 4
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 286
'The Wealth of Kings' and the End of the Zāguē Dynasty, pg 1
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 289
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 125
The Case of the Gafat, pg 125
The Case of the Gafat, pg 125, 126 & 130
Layers of Time A History of Ethiopia, pg 58
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 126
Layers of Time A History of Ethiopia, pg 94
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 284
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 128
The Blin Of Bogos, pg 6-8
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 286
https://en.sewasew.com/p/wag-s-um-(%E1%8B%8B%E1%8C%8D-%E1%88%B9%E1%88%9D)
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 136
A History of Ethiopia: Volume I, pg 285
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 131
Royal Imagery and Devotional Spaces in Early Solomonic Ethiopia The Case of Gännätä Maryam, pg 124.
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 290
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, pg 99.
A History of Ethiopia: Volume I, 285
Ancient And Medieval Ethiopian History, pg 286
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, pg 343.
Church & State In Ethiopia, pg 128
Royal Imagery and Devotional Spaces in Early Solomonic Ethiopia The Case of Gännätä Maryam, pg 125.